Bush's National Security Strategy
Following is the full text
of President Bush's new national security strategy. The document, entitled "The
National Security Strategy of the United States," will soon be transmitted
to Congress as a declaration of the Administration's policy.
New York Times, September 20, 2002
fra National Security Strategy på dansk
great struggles of the twentieth century between liberty and totalitarianism ended
with a decisive victory for the forces of freedom -- and a single sustainable
model for national success: freedom, democracy, and free enterprise. In the twenty-first
century, only nations that share a commitment to protecting basic human rights
and guaranteeing political and economic freedom will be able to unleash the potential
of their people and assure their future prosperity. People everywhere want to
say what they think; choose who will govern them; worship as they please; educate
their children -- male and female; own property; and enjoy the benefits of their
labor. These values of freedom are right and true for every person, in every society
-- and the duty of protecting these values against their enemies is the common
calling of freedom-loving people across the globe and across the ages.
the United States enjoys a position of unparalleled military strength and great
economic and political influence. In keeping with our heritage and principles,
we do not use our strength to press for unilateral advantage. We seek instead
to create a balance of power that favors human freedom: conditions in which all
nations and all societies can choose for themselves the rewards and challenges
of political and economic liberty. By making the world safer, we allow the people
of the world to make their own lives better. We will defend this just peace against
threats from terrorists and tyrants. We will preserve the peace by building good
relations among the great powers. We will extend the peace by encouraging free
and open societies on every continent.
Defending our Nation against its
enemies is the first and fundamental commitment of the Federal Government. Today,
that task has changed dramatically. Enemies in the past needed great armies and
great industrial capabilities to endanger America. Now, shadowy networks of individuals
can bring great chaos and suffering to our shores for less than it costs to purchase
a single tank. Terrorists are organized to penetrate open societies and to turn
the power of modern technologies against us.
To defeat this threat we must
make use of every tool in our arsenal -- from better homeland defenses and law
enforcement to intelligence and cutting off terrorist financing. The war against
terrorists of global reach is a global enterprise of uncertain duration. America
will help nations that need our assistance in combating terror. And America will
hold to account nations that are compromised by terror -- because the allies of
terror are the enemies of civilization. The United States and countries cooperating
with us must not allow the terrorists to develop new home bases. Together, we
will seek to deny them sanctuary at every turn.
The gravest danger our Nation
faces lies at the crossroads of radicalism and technology. Our enemies have openly
declared that they are seeking weapons of mass destruction, and evidence indicates
that they are doing so with determination. The United States will not allow these
efforts to succeed. We will build defenses against ballistic missiles and other
means of delivery. We will cooperate with other nations to deny, contain, and
curtail our enemies' efforts to acquire dangerous technologies. And, as a matter
of common sense and self-defense, America will act against such emerging threats
before they are fully formed. We cannot defend America and our friends by hoping
for the best. So we must be prepared to defeat our enemies' plans, using the best
intelligence and proceeding with deliberation. History will judge harshly those
who saw this coming danger but failed to act. In the new world we have entered,
the only path to safety is the path of action.
As we defend the peace,
we will also take advantage of an historic opportunity to preserve the peace.
Today, the international community has the best chance since the rise of the nation-state
in the seventeenth century to build a world where great powers compete in peace
instead of continually prepare for war. Today, the world's great powers find ourselves
on the same side -- united by common dangers of terrorist violence and chaos.
The United States will build on these common interests to promote global security.
We are also increasingly united by common values. Russia is in the midst of a
hopeful transition, reaching for its democratic future and a partner in the war
on terror. Chinese leaders are discovering that economic freedom is the only source
of national wealth. In time, they will find that social and political freedom
is the only source of national greatness. America will encourage the advancement
of democracy and economic openness in both nations, because these are the best
foundations for domestic stability and international order. We will strongly resist
aggression from other great powers -- even as we welcome their peaceful pursuit
of prosperity, trade, and cultural advancement.
Finally, the United States
will use this moment of opportunity to extend the benefits of freedom across the
globe. We will actively work to bring the hope of democracy, development, free
markets, and free trade to every corner of the world. The events of September
11, 2001, taught us that weak states, like Afghanistan, can pose as great a danger
to our national interests as strong states. Poverty does not make poor people
into terrorists and murderers. Yet poverty, weak institutions, and corruption
can make weak states vulnerable to terrorist networks and drug cartels within
The United States will stand beside any nation determined
to build a better future by seeking the rewards of liberty for its people. Free
trade and free markets have proven their ability to lift whole societies out of
poverty -- so the United States will work with individual nations, entire regions,
and the entire global trading community to build a world that trades in freedom
and therefore grows in prosperity. The United States will deliver greater development
assistance through the New Millennium Challenge Account to nations that govern
justly, invest in their people, and encourage economic freedom. We will also continue
to lead the world in efforts to reduce the terrible toll of AIDS and other infectious
In building a balance of power that favors freedom, the United
States is guided by the conviction that all nations have important responsibilities.
Nations that enjoy freedom must actively fight terror. Nations that depend on
international stability must help prevent the spread of weapons of mass destruction.
Nations that seek international aid must govern themselves wisely, so that aid
is well spent. For freedom to thrive, accountability must be expected and required.
We are also guided by the conviction that no nation can build a safer,
better world alone. Alliances and multilateral institutions can multiply the strength
of freedom-loving nations. The United States is committed to lasting institutions
like the United Nations, the World Trade Organization, the Organization of American
States, and NATO as well as other long-standing alliances. Coalitions of the willing
can augment these permanent institutions. In all cases, international obligations
are to be taken seriously. They are not to be undertaken symbolically to rally
support for an ideal without furthering its attainment.
Freedom is the
non-negotiable demand of human dignity; the birthright of every person -- in every
civilization. Throughout history, freedom has been threatened by war and terror;
it has been challenged by the clashing wills of powerful states and the evil designs
of tyrants; and it has been tested by widespread poverty and disease. Today, humanity
holds in its hands the opportunity to further freedom's triumph over all these
foes. The United States welcomes our responsibility to lead in this great mission.
Overview of America's International Strategy
Nation's cause has always been larger than our Nation's defense. We fight, as
we always fight, for a just peace -- a peace that favors liberty. We will defend
the peace against the threats from terrorists and tyrants. We will preserve the
peace by building good relations among the great powers. And we will extend the
peace by encouraging free and open societies on every continent."
West Point, New York
June 1, 2002
The United States possesses
unprecedented -- and unequaled -- strength and influence in the world. Sustained
by faith in the principles of liberty, and the value of a free society, this position
comes with unparalleled responsibilities, obligations, and opportunity. The great
strength of this nation must be used to promote a balance of power that favors
For most of the twentieth century, the world was divided by a great
struggle over ideas: destructive totalitarian visions versus freedom and equality.
great struggle is over. The militant visions of class, nation, and race which
promised utopia and delivered misery have been defeated and discredited. America
is now threatened less by conquering states than we are by failing ones. We are
menaced less by fleets and armies than by catastrophic technologies in the hands
of the embittered few. We must defeat these threats to our Nation, allies, and
This is also a time of opportunity for America. We will work to
translate this moment of influence into decades of peace, prosperity, and liberty.
The U.S. national security strategy will be based on a distinctly American internationalism
that reflects the union of our values and our national interests. The aim of this
strategy is to help make the world not just safer but better. Our goals on the
path to progress are clear: political and economic freedom, peaceful relations
with other states, and respect for human dignity.
And this path is not
America's alone. It is open to all.
To achieve these goals, the United
champion aspirations for human dignity;
to defeat global terrorism and work to prevent attacks against us and our friends;
with others to defuse regional conflicts;
prevent our enemies from threatening
us, our allies, and our friends, with weapons of mass destruction;
a new era of global economic growth through free markets and free trade;
the circle of development by opening societies and building the infrastructure
develop agendas for cooperative action with other main centers
of global power; and
transform America's national security institutions
to meet the challenges and opportunities of the twenty-first century.
Champion Aspirations for Human Dignity
worry that it is somehow undiplomatic or impolite to speak the language of right
and wrong. I disagree. Different circumstances require different methods, but
not different moralities."
West Point, New
June 1, 2002
In pursuit of our goals, our first imperative is to
clarify what we stand for: the United States must defend liberty and justice because
these principles are right and true for all people everywhere. No nation owns
these aspirations, and no nation is exempt from them. Fathers and mothers in all
societies want their children to be educated and to live free from poverty and
violence. No people on earth yearn to be oppressed, aspire to servitude, or eagerly
await the midnight knock of the secret police.
America must stand firmly
for the nonnegotiable demands of human dignity: the rule of law; limits on the
absolute power of the state; free speech; freedom of worship; equal justice; respect
for women; religious and ethnic tolerance; and respect for private property.
demands can be met in many ways. America's constitution has served us well. Many
other nations, with different histories and cultures, facing different circumstances,
have successfully incorporated these core principles into their own systems of
governance. History has not been kind to those nations which ignored or flouted
the rights and aspirations of their people.
Our own history is a long struggle
to live up to our ideals. But even in our worst moments, the principles enshrined
in the Declaration of Independence were there to guide us. As a result, America
is not just a stronger, but is a freer and more just society.
ideals are a lifeline to lonely defenders of liberty. And when openings arrive,
we can encourage change -- as we did in central and eastern Europe between 1989
and 1991, or in Belgrade in 2000. When we see democratic processes take hold among
our friends in Taiwan or in the Republic of Korea, and see elected leaders replace
generals in Latin America and Africa, we see examples of how authoritarian systems
can evolve, marrying local history and traditions with the principles we all cherish.
Embodying lessons from our past and using the opportunity we have today,
the national security strategy of the United States must start from these core
beliefs and look outward for possibilities to expand liberty.
will guide our government's decisions about international cooperation, the character
of our foreign assistance, and the allocation of resources. They will guide our
actions and our words in international bodies.
honestly about violations of the nonnegotiable demands of human dignity using
our voice and vote in international institutions to advance freedom;
our foreign aid to promote freedom and support those who struggle non-violently
for it, ensuring that nations moving toward democracy are rewarded for the steps
make freedom and the development of democratic institutions key
themes in our bilateral relations, seeking solidarity and cooperation from other
democracies while we press governments that deny human rights to move toward a
better future; and
take special efforts to promote freedom of religion and
conscience and defend it from encroachment by repressive governments.
will champion the cause of human dignity and oppose those who resist it.
Strengthen Alliances to Defeat Global Terrorism and Work to Prevent Attacks Against
Us and Our Friends
"Just three days removed from
these events, Americans do not yet have the distance of history. But our responsibility
to history is already clear: to answer these attacks and rid the world of evil.
War has been waged against us by stealth and deceit and murder. This nation is
peaceful, but fierce when stirred to anger. The conflict was begun on the timing
and terms of others. It will end in a way, and at an hour, of our choosing."
Washington, D.C. (The National Cathedral)
September 14, 2001
United States of America is fighting a war against terrorists of global reach.
The enemy is not a single political regime or person or religion or ideology.
The enemy is terrorism -- premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated
In many regions, legitimate grievances prevent the emergence
of a lasting peace. Such grievances deserve to be, and must be, addressed within
a political process. But no cause justifies terror. The United States will make
no concessions to terrorist demands and strike no deals with them. We make no
distinction between terrorists and those who knowingly harbor or provide aid to
The struggle against global terrorism is different from any other
war in our history. It will be fought on many fronts against a particularly elusive
enemy over an extended period of time. Progress will come through the persistent
accumulation of successes -- some seen, some unseen.
Today our enemies have
seen the results of what civilized nations can, and will, do against regimes that
harbor, support, and use terrorism to achieve their political goals. Afghanistan
has been liberated; coalition forces continue to hunt down the Taliban and al-Qaida.
But it is not only this battlefield on which we will engage terrorists. Thousands
of trained terrorists remain at large with cells in North America, South America,
Europe, Africa, the Middle East, and across Asia.
Our priority will be
first to disrupt and destroy terrorist organizations of global reach and attack
their leadership; command, control, and communications; material support; and
finances. This will have a disabling effect upon the terrorists' ability to plan
We will continue to encourage our regional partners to take
up a coordinated effort that isolates the terrorists. Once the regional campaign
localizes the threat to a particular state, we will help ensure the state has
the military, law enforcement, political, and financial tools necessary to finish
The United States will continue to work with our allies to disrupt
the financing of terrorism. We will identify and block the sources of funding
for terrorism, freeze the assets of terrorists and those who support them, deny
terrorists access to the international financial system, protect legitimate charities
from being abused by terrorists, and prevent the movement of terrorists' assets
through alternative financial networks.
However, this campaign need not
be sequential to be effective, the cumulative effect across all regions will help
achieve the results we seek.
We will disrupt and destroy terrorist organizations
direct and continuous action using all the elements of national and
international power. Our immediate focus will be those terrorist organizations
of global reach and any terrorist or state sponsor of terrorism which attempts
to gain or use weapons of mass destruction (WMD) or their precursors;
the United States, the American people, and our interests at home and abroad by
identifying and destroying the threat before it reaches our borders. While the
United States will constantly strive to enlist the support of the international
community, we will not hesitate to act alone, if necessary, to exercise our right
of self-defense by acting preemptively against such terrorists, to prevent them
from doing harm against our people and our country; and
sponsorship, support, and sanctuary to terrorists by convincing or compelling
states to accept their sovereign responsibilities.
We will also wage a war
of ideas to win the battle against international terrorism. This includes:
the full influence of the United States, and working closely with allies and friends,
to make clear that all acts of terrorism are illegitimate so that terrorism will
be viewed in the same light as slavery, piracy, or genocide: behavior that no
respectable government can condone or support and all must oppose;
moderate and modern government, especially in the Muslim world, to ensure that
the conditions and ideologies that promote terrorism do not find fertile ground
in any nation;
diminishing the underlying conditions that spawn terrorism
by enlisting the international community to focus its efforts and resources on
areas most at risk; and
using effective public diplomacy to promote the
free flow of information and ideas to kindle the hopes and aspirations of freedom
of those in societies ruled by the sponsors of global terrorism.
we recognize that our best defense is a good offense we are also strengthening
America's homeland security to protect against and deter attack.
has proposed the largest government reorganization since the Truman Administration
created the National Security Council and the Department of Defense. Centered
on a new Department of Homeland Security and including a new unified military
command and a fundamental reordering of the FBI, our comprehensive plan to secure
the homeland encompasses every level of government and the cooperation of the
public and the private sector.
This strategy will turn adversity into opportunity.
For example, emergency management systems will be better able to cope not just
with terrorism but with all hazards. Our medical system will be strengthened to
manage not just bioterror, but all infectious diseases and mass-casualty dangers.
Our border controls will not just stop terrorists, but improve the efficient movement
of legitimate traffic.
While our focus is protecting America, we know that
to defeat terrorism in today's globalized world we need support from our allies
and friends. Wherever possible, the United States will rely on regional organizations
and state powers to meet their obligations to fight terrorism. Where governments
find the fight against terrorism beyond their capacities, we will match their
willpower and their resources with whatever help we and our allies can provide.
As we pursue the terrorists in Afghanistan, we will continue to work with
international organizations such as the United Nations, as well as non-governmental
organizations, and other countries to provide the humanitarian, political, economic,
and security assistance necessary to rebuild Afghanistan so that it will never
again abuse its people, threaten its neighbors, and provide a haven for terrorists
the war against global terrorism, we will never forget that we are ultimately
fighting for our democratic values and way of life. Freedom and fear are at war,
and there will be no quick or easy end to this conflict. In leading the campaign
against terrorism, we are forging new, productive international relationships
and redefining existing ones in ways that meet the challenges of the twenty-first
IV. Work with Others To Defuse Regional Conflicts
build a world of justice, or we will live in a world of coercion. The magnitude
of our shared responsibilities makes our disagreements look so small."
May 23, 2002
Concerned nations must remain
actively engaged in critical regional disputes to avoid explosive escalation and
minimize human suffering. In an increasingly interconnected world, regional crisis
can strain our alliances, rekindle rivalries among the major powers, and create
horrifying affronts to human dignity. When violence erupts and states falter,
the United States will work with friends and partners to alleviate suffering and
No doctrine can anticipate every circumstance in which
U.S. action -- direct or indirect -- is warranted. We have finite political, economic,
and military resources to meet our global priorities. The United States will approach
each case with these strategic principles in mind:
The United States should
invest time and resources into building international relationships and institutions
that can help manage local crises when they emerge.
The United States should
be realistic about its ability to help those who are unwilling or unready to help
themselves. Where and when people are ready to do their part, we will be willing
to move decisively.
Policies in several key regions offer some illustrations
of how we will apply these principles:
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict
is critical because of the toll of human suffering, because of America's close
relationship with the state of Israel and key Arab states, and because of that
region's importance to other global priorities of the United States. There can
be no peace for either side without freedom for both sides. America stands committed
to an independent and democratic Palestine, living beside Israel in peace and
security. Like all other people, Palestinians deserve a government that serves
their interests, and listens to their voices, and counts their votes. The United
States will continue to encourage all parties to step up to their responsibilities
as we seek a just and comprehensive settlement to the conflict.
States, the international donor community, and the World Bank stand ready to work
with a reformed Palestinian government on economic development, increased humanitarian
assistance and a program to establish, finance, and monitor a truly independent
judiciary. If Palestinians embrace democracy, and the rule of law, confront corruption,
and firmly reject terror, they can count on American support for the creation
of a Palestinian state.
Israel also has a large stake in the success of
a democratic Palestine. Permanent occupation threatens Israel's identity and democracy.
So the United States continues to challenge Israeli leaders to take concrete steps
to support the emergence of a viable, credible Palestinian state. As there is
progress towards security, Israel forces need to withdraw fully to positions they
held prior to September 28, 2000. And consistent with the recommendations of the
Mitchell Committee, Israeli settlement activity in the occupied territories must
stop. As violence subsides, freedom of movement should be restored, permitting
innocent Palestinians to resume work and normal life. The United States can play
a crucial role but, ultimately, lasting peace can only come when Israelis and
Palestinians resolve the issues and end the conflict between them.
Asia, the United States has also emphasized the need for India and Pakistan to
resolve their disputes. This administration invested time and resources building
strong bilateral relations with India and Pakistan. These strong relations then
gave us leverage to play a constructive role when tensions in the region became
acute. With Pakistan, our bilateral relations have been bolstered by Pakistan's
choice to join the war against terror and move toward building a more open and
tolerant society. The Administration sees India's potential to become one of the
great democratic powers of the twenty-first century and has worked hard to transform
our relationship accordingly. Our involvement in this regional dispute, building
on earlier investments in bilateral relations, looks first to concrete steps by
India and Pakistan that can help defuse military confrontation.
took courageous steps to create a working democracy and respect for the rule of
law. By tolerating ethnic minorities, respecting the rule of law, and accepting
open markets, Indonesia may be able to employ the engine of opportunity that has
helped lift some of its neighbors out of poverty and desperation. It is the initiative
by Indonesia that allows U.S. assistance to make a difference.
In the Western
Hemisphere we have formed flexible coalitions with countries that share our priorities,
particularly Mexico, Brazil, Canada, Chile, and Colombia. Together we will promote
a truly democratic hemisphere where our integration advances security, prosperity,
opportunity, and hope. We will work with regional institutions, such as the Summit
of the Americas process, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the Defense
Ministerial of the Americas for the benefit of the entire hemisphere.
of Latin America confront regional conflict, especially arising from the violence
of drug cartels and their accomplices. This conflict and unrestrained narcotics
trafficking could imperil the health and security of the United States. Therefore
we have developed an active strategy to help the Andean nations adjust their economies,
enforce their laws, defeat terrorist organizations, and cut off the supply of
drugs, while -- as important -- we work to reduce the demand for drugs in our
In Colombia, we recognize the link between terrorist and extremist
groups that challenge the security of the state and drug trafficking activities
that help finance the operations of such groups. We are working to help Colombia
defend its democratic institutions and defeat illegal armed groups of both the
left and right by extending effective sovereignty over the entire national territory
and provide basic security to the Colombian people.
In Africa, promise and
opportunity sit side by side with disease, war, and desperate poverty. This threatens
both a core value of the United States -- preserving human dignity -- and our
strategic priority -- combating global terror. American interests and American
principles, therefore, lead in the same direction: we will work with others for
an African continent that lives in liberty, peace, and growing prosperity. Together
with our European allies, we must help strengthen Africa's fragile states, help
build indigenous capability to secure porous borders, and help build up the law
enforcement and intelligence infrastructure to deny havens for terrorists.
ever more lethal environment exists in Africa as local civil wars spread beyond
borders to create regional war zones. Forming coalitions of the willing and cooperative
security arrangements are key to confronting these emerging transnational threats.
great size and diversity requires a security strategy that focuses bilateral engagement,
and builds coalitions of the willing. This administration will focus on three
interlocking strategies for the region:
countries with major impact on their
neighborhood such as South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya, and Ethiopia are anchors for
regional engagement and require focused attention;
coordination with European
allies and international institutions is essential for constructive conflict mediation
and successful peace operations; and
Africa's capable reforming states and
sub-regional organizations must be strengthened as the primary means to address
transnational threats on a sustained basis.
Ultimately the path of political
and economic freedom presents the surest route to progress in sub-Saharan Africa,
where most wars are conflicts over material resources and political access often
tragically waged on the basis of ethnic and religious difference. The transition
to the African Union with its stated commitment to good governance and a common
responsibility for democratic political systems offers opportunities to strengthen
democracy on the continent.
V. Prevent Our Enemies from Threatening Us,
Our Allies, and Our Friends with Weapons of Mass Destruction
gravest danger to freedom lies at the crossroads of radicalism and technology.
When the spread of chemical and biological and nuclear weapons, along with ballistic
missile technology -- when that occurs, even weak states and small groups could
attain a catastrophic power to strike great nations. Our enemies have declared
this very intention, and have been caught seeking these terrible weapons. They
want the capability to blackmail us, or to harm us, or to harm our friends --
and we will oppose them with all our power."
Point, New York
June 1, 2002
The nature of the Cold War threat required
the United States -- with our allies and friends -- to emphasize deterrence of
the enemy's use of force, producing a grim strategy of mutual assured destruction.
With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, our security
environment has undergone profound transformation.
Having moved from confrontation
to cooperation as the hallmark of our relationship with Russia, the dividends
are evident: an end to the balance of terror that divided us; an historic reduction
in the nuclear arsenals on both sides; and cooperation in areas such as counterterrorism
and missile defense that until recently were inconceivable.
But new deadly
challenges have emerged from rogue states and terrorists. None of these contemporary
threats rival the sheer destructive power that was arrayed against us by the Soviet
Union. However, the nature and motivations of these new adversaries, their determination
to obtain destructive powers hitherto available only to the world's strongest
states, and the greater likelihood that they will use weapons of mass destruction
against us, make today's security environment more complex and dangerous.
the 1990s we witnessed the emergence of a small number of rogue states that, while
different in important ways, share a number of attributes. These states:
their own people and squander their national resources for the personal gain of
display no regard for international law, threaten their neighbors,
and callously violate international treaties to which they are party;
determined to acquire weapons of mass destruction, along with other advanced military
technology, to be used as threats or offensively to achieve the aggressive designs
of these regimes;
sponsor terrorism around the globe; and
basic human values and hate the United States and everything for which it stands.
the time of the Gulf War, we acquired irrefutable proof that Iraq's designs were
not limited to the chemical weapons it had used against Iran and its own people,
but also extended to the acquisition of nuclear weapons and biological agents.
In the past decade North Korea has become the world's principal purveyor of ballistic
missiles, and has tested increasingly capable missiles while developing its own
WMD arsenal. Other rogue regimes seek nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons
as well. These states' pursuit of, and global trade in, such weapons has become
a looming threat to all nations.
We must be prepared to stop rogue states
and their terrorist clients before they are able to threaten or use weapons of
mass destruction against the United States and our allies and friends. Our response
must take full advantage of strengthened alliances, the establishment of new partnerships
with former adversaries, innovation in the use of military forces, modern technologies,
including the development of an effective missile defense system, and increased
emphasis on intelligence collection and analysis.
Our comprehensive strategy
to combat WMD includes:
Proactive counterproliferation efforts. We must
deter and defend against the threat before it is unleashed. We must ensure that
key capabilities -- detection, active and passive defenses, and counterforce capabilities
-- are integrated into our defense transformation and our homeland security systems.
Counterproliferation must also be integrated into the doctrine, training, and
equipping of our forces and those of our allies to ensure that we can prevail
in any conflict with WMD-armed adversaries.
efforts to prevent rogue states and terrorists from acquiring the materials, technologies
and expertise necessary for weapons of mass destruction. We will enhance diplomacy,
arms control, multilateral export controls, and threat reduction assistance that
impede states and terrorists seeking WMD, and when necessary, interdict enabling
technologies and materials. We will continue to build coalitions to support these
efforts, encouraging their increased political and financial support for nonproliferation
and threat reduction programs. The recent G-8 agreement to commit up to $20 billion
to a global partnership against proliferation marks a major step forward.
consequence management to respond to the effects of WMD use, whether by terrorists
or hostile states. Minimizing the effects of WMD use against our people will help
deter those who possess such weapons and dissuade those who seek to acquire them
by persuading enemies that they cannot attain their desired ends. The United States
must also be prepared to respond to the effects of WMD use against our forces
abroad, and to help friends and allies if they are attacked.
It has taken
almost a decade for us to comprehend the true nature of this new threat. Given
the goals of rogue states and terrorists, the United States can no longer solely
rely on a reactive posture as we have in the past. The inability to deter a potential
attacker, the immediacy of today's threats, and the magnitude of potential harm
that could be caused by our adversaries' choice of weapons, do not permit that
option. We cannot let our enemies strike first.
In the Cold War, especially
following the Cuban missile crisis, we faced a generally status quo, risk-averse
adversary. Deterrence was an effective defense. But deterrence based only upon
the threat of retaliation is far less likely to work against leaders of rogue
states more willing to take risks, gambling with the lives of their people, and
the wealth of their nations.
In the Cold War, weapons of mass destruction
were considered weapons of last resort whose use risked the destruction of those
who used them. Today, our enemies see weapons of mass destruction as weapons of
choice. For rogue states these weapons are tools of intimidation and military
aggression against their neighbors. These weapons may also allow these states
to attempt to blackmail the United States and our allies to prevent us from deterring
or repelling the aggressive behavior of rogue states. Such states also see these
weapons as their best means of overcoming the conventional superiority of the
Traditional concepts of deterrence will not work against
a terrorist enemy whose avowed tactics are wanton destruction and the targeting
of innocents; whose so-called soldiers seek martyrdom in death and whose most
potent protection is statelessness. The overlap between states that sponsor terror
and those that pursue WMD compels us to action.
For centuries, international
law recognized that nations need not suffer an attack before they can lawfully
take action to defend themselves against forces that present an imminent danger
of attack. Legal scholars and international jurists often conditioned the legitimacy
of preemption on the existence of an imminent threat -- most often a visible mobilization
of armies, navies, and air forces preparing to attack.
We must adapt the
concept of imminent threat to the capabilities and objectives of today's adversaries.
Rogue states and terrorists do not seek to attack us using conventional means.
They know such attacks would fail. Instead, they rely on acts of terrorism and,
potentially, the use of weapons of mass destruction -- weapons that can be easily
concealed and delivered covertly and without warning.
The targets of these
attacks are our military forces and our civilian population, in direct violation
of one of the principal norms of the law of warfare. As was demonstrated by the
losses on September 11, 2001, mass civilian casualties is the specific objective
of terrorists and these losses would be exponentially more severe if terrorists
acquired and used weapons of mass destruction.
The United States has long
maintained the option of preemptive actions to counter a sufficient threat to
our national security. The greater the threat, the greater is the risk of inaction
-- and the more compelling the case for taking anticipatory action to defend ourselves,
even if uncertainty remains as to the time and place of the enemy's attack. To
forestall or prevent such hostile acts by our adversaries, the United States will,
if necessary, act preemptively.
The United States will not use force in
all cases to preempt emerging threats, nor should nations use preemption as a
pretext for aggression. Yet in an age where the enemies of civilization openly
and actively seek the world's most destructive technologies, the United States
cannot remain idle while dangers gather.
We will always proceed deliberately,
weighing the consequences of our actions. To support preemptive options, we will:
build better, more integrated intelligence capabilities to provide timely,
accurate information on threats, wherever they may emerge;
with allies to form a common assessment of the most dangerous threats; and
to transform our military forces to ensure our ability to conduct rapid and precise
operations to achieve decisive results.
The purpose of our actions will
always be to eliminate a specific threat to the United States or our allies and
friends. The reasons for our actions will be clear, the force measured, and the
VI. Ignite a New Era of Global Economic Growth through Free
Markets and Free Trade.
"When nations close their
markets and opportunity is hoarded by a privileged few, no amount -- no amount
-- of development aid is ever enough. When nations respect their people, open
markets, invest in better health and education, every dollar of aid, every dollar
of trade revenue and domestic capital is used more effectively."
March 22, 2002
A strong world economy enhances
our national security by advancing prosperity and freedom in the rest of the world.
Economic growth supported by free trade and free markets creates new jobs and
higher incomes. It allows people to lift their lives out of poverty, spurs economic
and legal reform, and the fight against corruption, and it reinforces the habits
We will promote economic growth and economic freedom beyond
America's shores. All governments are responsible for creating their own economic
policies and responding to their own economic challenge. We will use our economic
engagement with other countries to underscore the benefits of policies that generate
higher productivity and sustained economic growth, including:
legal and regulatory policies to encourage business investment, innovation, and
tax policies -- particularly lower marginal tax
rates -- that improve incentives for work and investment;
rule of law and
intolerance of corruption so that people are confident that they will be able
to enjoy the fruits of their economic endeavors;
strong financial systems
that allow capital to be put to its most efficient use;
sound fiscal policies
to support business activity;
investments in health and education that improve
the well-being and skills of the labor force and population as a whole; and
trade that provides new avenues for growth and fosters the diffusion of technologies
and ideas that increase productivity and opportunity.
The lessons of history
are clear: market economies, not command-and-control economies with the heavy
hand of government, are the best way to promote prosperity and reduce poverty.
Policies that further strengthen market incentives and market institutions are
relevant for all economies -- industrialized countries, emerging markets, and
the developing world.
A return to strong economic growth in Europe and Japan
is vital to U.S. national security interests. We want our allies to have strong
economies for their own sake, for the sake of the global economy, and for the
sake of global security. European efforts to remove structural barriers in their
economies are particularly important in this regard, as are Japan's efforts to
end deflation and address the problems of non-performing loans in the Japanese
banking system. We will continue to use our regular consultations with Japan and
our European partners -- including through the Group of Seven (G-7) -- to discuss
policies they are adopting to promote growth in their economies and support higher
global economic growth.
Improving stability in emerging markets is also
key to global economic growth. International flows of investment capital are needed
to expand the productive potential of these economies. These flows allow emerging
markets and developing countries to make the investments that raise living standards
and reduce poverty. Our long-term objective should be a world in which all countries
have investment-grade credit ratings that allow them access to international capital
markets and to invest in their future.
We are committed to policies that
will help emerging markets achieve access to larger capital flows at lower cost.
To this end, we will continue to pursue reforms aimed at reducing uncertainty
in financial markets. We will work actively with other countries, the International
Monetary Fund (IMF), and the private sector to implement the G-7 Action Plan negotiated
earlier this year for preventing financial crises and more effectively resolving
them when they occur.
The best way to deal with financial crises is to prevent
them from occurring, and we have encouraged the IMF to improve its efforts doing
so. We will continue to work with the IMF to streamline the policy conditions
for its lending and to focus its lending strategy on achieving economic growth
through sound fiscal and monetary policy, exchange rate policy, and financial
The concept of "free trade" arose as a moral principle
even before it became a pillar of economics. If you can make something that others
value, you should be able to sell it to them. If others make something that you
value, you should be able to buy it. This is real freedom, the freedom for a person
-- or a nation -- to make a living. To promote free trade, the Unites States has
developed a comprehensive strategy:
Seize the global initiative. The new
global trade negotiations we helped launch at Doha in November 2001 will have
an ambitious agenda, especially in agriculture, manufacturing, and services, targeted
for completion in 2005. The United States has led the way in completing the accession
of China and a democratic Taiwan to the World Trade Organization. We will assist
Russia's preparations to join the WTO.
Press regional initiatives. The
United States and other democracies in the Western Hemisphere have agreed to create
the Free Trade Area of the Americas, targeted for completion in 2005. This year
the United States will advocate market-access negotiations with its partners,
targeted on agriculture, industrial goods, services, investment, and government
procurement. We will also offer more opportunity to the poorest continent, Africa,
starting with full use of the preferences allowed in the African Growth and Opportunity
Act, and leading to free trade.
Move ahead with bilateral free trade agreements.
Building on the free trade agreement with Jordan enacted in 2001, the Administration
will work this year to complete free trade agreements with Chile and Singapore.
Our aim is to achieve free trade agreements with a mix of developed and developing
countries in all regions of the world. Initially, Central America, Southern Africa,
Morocco, and Australia will be our principal focal points.
Renew the executive-congressional
partnership. Every administration's trade strategy depends on a productive partnership
with Congress. After a gap of 8 years, the Administration reestablished majority
support in the Congress for trade liberalization by passing Trade Promotion Authority
and the other market opening measures for developing countries in the Trade Act
of 2002. This Administration will work with Congress to enact new bilateral, regional,
and global trade agreements that will be concluded under the recently passed Trade
Promote the connection between trade and development.
Trade policies can help developing countries strengthen property rights, competition,
the rule of law, investment, the spread of knowledge, open societies, the efficient
allocation of resources, and regional integration -- all leading to growth, opportunity,
and confidence in developing countries. The United States is implementing The
Africa Growth and Opportunity Act to provide market-access for nearly all goods
produced in the 35 countries of sub-Saharan Africa. We will make more use of this
act and its equivalent for the Caribbean Basin and continue to work with multilateral
and regional institutions to help poorer countries take advantage of these opportunities.
Beyond market access, the most important area where trade intersects with poverty
is in public health. We will ensure that the WTO intellectual property rules are
flexible enough to allow developing nations to gain access to critical medicines
for extraordinary dangers like HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria.
trade agreements and laws against unfair practices. Commerce depends on the rule
of law; international trade depends on enforceable agreements. Our top priorities
are to resolve ongoing disputes with the European Union, Canada, and Mexico and
to make a global effort to address new technology, science, and health regulations
that needlessly impede farm exports and improved agriculture. Laws against unfair
trade practices are often abused, but the international community must be able
to address genuine concerns about government subsidies and dumping. International
industrial espionage which undermines fair competition must be detected and deterred.
domestic industries and workers adjust. There is a sound statutory framework for
these transitional safeguards which we have used in the agricultural sector and
which we are using this year to help the American steel industry. The benefits
of free trade depend upon the enforcement of fair trading practices. These safeguards
help ensure that the benefits of free trade do not come at the expense of American
workers. Trade adjustment assistance will help workers adapt to the change and
dynamism of open markets.
Protect the environment and workers. The United
States must foster economic growth in ways that will provide a better life along
with widening prosperity. We will incorporate labor and environmental concerns
into U.S. trade negotiations, creating a healthy "network" between multilateral
environmental agreements with the WTO, and use the International Labor Organization,
trade preference programs, and trade talks to improve working conditions in conjunction
with freer trade.
Enhance energy security. We will strengthen our own energy
security and the shared prosperity of the global economy by working with our allies,
trading partners, and energy producers to expand the sources and types of global
energy supplied, especially in the Western Hemisphere, Africa, Central Asia, and
the Caspian region. We will also continue to work with our partners to develop
cleaner and more energy efficient technologies.
Economic growth should
be accompanied by global efforts to stabilize greenhouse gas concentrations associated
with this growth, containing them at a level that prevents dangerous human interference
with the global climate. Our overall objective is to reduce America's greenhouse
gas emissions relative to the size of our economy, cutting such emissions per
unit of economic activity by 18 percent over the next 10 years, by the year 2012.
Our strategies for attaining this goal will be to:
remain committed to the
basic U.N. Framework Convention for international cooperation;
with key industries to cut emissions of some of the most potent greenhouse gases
and give transferable credits to companies that can show real cuts;
improved standards for measuring and registering emission reductions;
renewable energy production and clean coal technology, as well as nuclear power
-- which produces no greenhouse gas emissions, while also improving fuel economy
for U.S. cars and trucks;
increase spending on research and new conservation
technologies, to a total of $4.5 billion -- the largest sum being spent on climate
change by any country in the world and a $700 million increase over last year's
assist developing countries, especially the major greenhouse
gas emitters such as China and India, so that they will have the tools and resources
to join this effort and be able to grow along a cleaner and better path.
Expand the Circle of Development by Opening Societies and Building the Infrastructure
"In World War II we fought to make
the world safer, then worked to rebuild it. As we wage war today to keep the world
safe from terror, we must also work to make the world a better place for all its
March 14, 2002
A world where some live in comfort
and plenty, while half of the human race lives on less than $2 a day, is neither
just nor stable. Including all of the world's poor in an expanding circle of development
-- and opportunity -- is a moral imperative and one of the top priorities of U.S.
Decades of massive development assistance have failed
to spur economic growth in the poorest countries. Worse, development aid has often
served to prop up failed policies, relieving the pressure for reform and perpetuating
misery. Results of aid are typically measured in dollars spent by donors, not
in the rates of growth and poverty reduction achieved by recipients. These are
the indicators of a failed strategy.
Working with other nations, the United
States is confronting this failure. We forged a new consensus at the U.N. Conference
on Financing for Development in Monterrey that the objectives of assistance --
and the strategies to achieve those objectives -- must change.
goal is to help unleash the productive potential of individuals in all nations.
Sustained growth and poverty reduction is impossible without the right national
policies. Where governments have implemented real policy changes we will provide
significant new levels of assistance. The United States and other developed countries
should set an ambitious and specific target: to double the size of the world's
poorest economies within a decade.
The United States Government will pursue
these major strategies to achieve this goal:
Provide resources to aid countries
that have met the challenge of national reform. We propose a 50 percent increase
in the core development assistance given by the United States. While continuing
our present programs, including humanitarian assistance based on need alone, these
billions of new dollars will form a new Millennium Challenge Account for projects
in countries whose governments rule justly, invest in their people, and encourage
economic freedom. Governments must fight corruption, respect basic human rights,
embrace the rule of law, invest in health care and education, follow responsible
economic policies, and enable entrepreneurship. The Millennium Challenge Account
will reward countries that have demonstrated real policy change and challenge
those that have not to implement reforms.
Improve the effectiveness of
the World Bank and other development banks in raising living standards. The United
States is committed to a comprehensive reform agenda for making the World Bank
and the other multilateral development banks more effective in improving the lives
of the world's poor. We have reversed the downward trend in U.S. contributions
and proposed an 18 percent increase in the U.S. contributions to the International
Development Association (IDA) -- the World Bank's fund for the poorest countries
-- and the African Development Fund. The key to raising living standards and reducing
poverty around the world is increasing productivity growth, especially in the
poorest countries. We will continue to press the multilateral development banks
to focus on activities that increase economic productivity, such as improvements
in education, health, rule of law, and private sector development. Every project,
every loan, every grant must be judged by how much it will increase productivity
growth in developing countries.
Insist upon measurable results to ensure
that development assistance is actually making a difference in the lives of the
world's poor. When it comes to economic development, what really matters is that
more children are getting a better education, more people have access to health
care and clean water, or more workers can find jobs to make a better future for
their families. We have a moral obligation to measure the success of our development
assistance by whether it is delivering results. For this reason, we will continue
to demand that our own development assistance as well as assistance from the multilateral
development banks has measurable goals and concrete benchmarks for achieving those
goals. Thanks to U.S. leadership, the recent IDA replenishment agreement will
establish a monitoring and evaluation system that measures recipient countries'
progress. For the first time, donors can link a portion of their contributions
to IDA to the achievement of actual development results, and part of the U.S.
contribution is linked in this way. We will strive to make sure that the World
Bank and other multilateral development banks build on this progress so that a
focus on results is an integral part of everything that these institutions do.
the amount of development assistance that is provided in the form of grants instead
of loans. Greater use of results-based grants is the best way to help poor countries
make productive investments, particularly in the social sectors, without saddling
them with ever-larger debt burdens. As a result of U.S. leadership, the recent
IDA agreement provided for significant increases in grant funding for the poorest
countries for education, HIV/AIDS, health, nutrition, water, sanitation, and other
human needs. Our goal is to build on that progress by increasing the use of grants
at the other multilateral development banks. We will also challenge universities,
nonprofits, and the private sector to match government efforts by using grants
to support development projects that show results.
Open societies to commerce
and investment. Trade and investment are the real engines of economic growth.
Even if government aid increases, most money for development must come from trade,
domestic capital, and foreign investment. An effective strategy must try to expand
these flows as well. Free markets and free trade are key priorities of our national
Secure public health. The scale of the public health
crisis in poor countries is enormous. In countries afflicted by epidemics and
pandemics like HIV/AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis, growth and development will
be threatened until these scourges can be contained. Resources from the developed
world are necessary but will be effective only with honest governance, which supports
prevention programs and provides effective local infrastructure. The United States
has strongly backed the new global fund for HIV/AIDS organized by U.N. Secretary
General Kofi Annan and its focus on combining prevention with a broad strategy
for treatment and care. The United States already contributes more than twice
as much money to such efforts as the next largest donor. If the global fund demonstrates
its promise, we will be ready to give even more.
Emphasize education. Literacy
and learning are the foundation of democracy and development. Only about 7 percent
of World Bank resources are devoted to education. This proportion should grow.
The United States will increase its own funding for education assistance by at
least 20 percent with an emphasis on improving basic education and teacher training
in Africa. The United States can also bring information technology to these societies,
many of whose education systems have been devastated by AIDS.
aid agricultural development. New technologies, including biotechnology, have
enormous potential to improve crop yields in developing countries while using
fewer pesticides and less water. Using sound science, the United States should
help bring these benefits to the 800 million people, including 300 million children,
who still suffer from hunger and malnutrition.
VIII. Develop Agendas
for Cooperative Action with the Other Main Centers of Global Power
have our best chance since the rise of the nation-state in the 17th century to
build a world where the great powers compete in peace instead of prepare for war."
West Point, New York
June 1, 2002
America will implement
its strategies by organizing coalitions -- as broad as practicable -- of states
able and willing to promote a balance of power that favors freedom. Effective
coalition leadership requires clear priorities, an appreciation of others' interests,
and consistent consultations among partners with a spirit of humility.
is little of lasting consequence that the United States can accomplish in the
world without the sustained cooperation of its allies and friends in Canada and
Europe. Europe is also the seat of two of the strongest and most able international
institutions in the world: the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which
has, since its inception, been the fulcrum of transatlantic and inter-European
security, and the European Union (EU), our partner in opening world trade.
attacks of September 11 were also an attack on NATO, as NATO itself recognized
when it invoked its Article V self-defense clause for the first time. NATO's core
mission -- collective defense of the transatlantic alliance of democracies --
remains, but NATO must develop new structures and capabilities to carry out that
mission under new circumstances. NATO must build a capability to field, at short
notice, highly mobile, specially trained forces whenever they are needed to respond
to a threat against any member of the alliance.
The alliance must be able
to act wherever our interests are threatened, creating coalitions under NATO's
own mandate, as well as contributing to mission-based coalitions. To achieve this,
expand NATO's membership to those democratic nations willing and
able to share the burden of defending and advancing our common interests;
that the military forces of NATO nations have appropriate combat contributions
to make in coalition warfare;
develop planning processes to enable those
contributions to become effective multinational fighting forces;
of the technological opportunities and economies of scale in our defense spending
to transform NATO military forces so that they dominate potential aggressors and
diminish our vulnerabilities;
streamline and increase the flexibility of
command structures to meet new operational demands and the associated requirements
of training, integrating, and experimenting with new force configurations; and
maintain the ability to work and fight together as allies even as we take
the necessary steps to transform and modernize our forces.
If NATO succeeds
in enacting these changes, the rewards will be a partnership as central to the
security and interests of its member states as was the case during the Cold War.
We will sustain a common perspective on the threats to our societies and improve
our ability to take common action in defense of our nations and their interests.
At the same time, we welcome our European allies' efforts to forge a greater foreign
policy and defense identity with the EU, and commit ourselves to close consultations
to ensure that these developments work with NATO. We cannot afford to lose this
opportunity to better prepare the family of transatlantic democracies for the
challenges to come.
The attacks of September 11 energized America's Asian
alliances. Australia invoked the ANZUS Treaty to declare the September 11 was
an attack on Australia itself, following that historic decision with the dispatch
of some of the world's finest combat forces for Operation Enduring Freedom. Japan
and the Republic of Korea provided unprecedented levels of military logistical
support within weeks of the terrorist attack. We have deepened cooperation on
counter-terrorism with our alliance partners in Thailand and the Philippines and
received invaluable assistance from close friends like Singapore and New Zealand.
The war against terrorism has proven that America's alliances in Asia not
only underpin regional peace and stability, but are flexible and ready to deal
with new challenges. To enhance our Asian alliances and friendships, we will:
to Japan to continue forging a leading role in regional and global affairs based
on our common interests, our common values, and our close defense and diplomatic
work with South Korea to maintain vigilance towards the North
while preparing our alliance to make contributions to the broader stability of
the region over the longer-term;
build on 50 years of U.S.-Australian alliance
cooperation as we continue working together to resolve regional and global problems
-- as we have so many times from the Battle of Leyte Gulf to Tora Bora;
forces in the region that reflect our commitments to our allies, our requirements,
our technological advances, and the strategic environment; and
stability provided by these alliances, as well as with institutions such as ASEAN
and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, to develop a mix of regional
and bilateral strategies to manage change in this dynamic region.
attentive to the possible renewal of old patterns of great power competition.
Several potential great powers are now in the midst of internal transition --
most importantly Russia, India, and China. In all three cases, recent developments
have encouraged our hope that a truly global consensus about basic principles
is slowly taking shape.
With Russia, we are already building a new strategic
relationship based on a central reality of the twenty-first century: the United
States and Russia are no longer strategic adversaries. The Moscow Treaty on Strategic
Reductions is emblematic of this new reality and reflects a critical change in
Russian thinking that promises to lead to productive, long-term relations with
the Euro-Atlantic community and the United States. Russia's top leaders have a
realistic assessment of their country's current weakness and the policies -- internal
and external -- needed to reverse those weaknesses. They understand, increasingly,
that Cold War approaches do not serve their national interests and that Russian
and American strategic interests overlap in many areas.
United States policy
seeks to use this turn in Russian thinking to refocus our relationship on emerging
and potential common interests and challenges. We are broadening our already extensive
cooperation in the global war on terrorism. We are facilitating Russia's entry
into the World Trade Organization, without lowering standards for accession, to
promote beneficial bilateral trade and investment relations. We have created the
NATO-Russia Council with the goal of deepening security cooperation among Russia,
our European allies, and ourselves. We will continue to bolster the independence
and stability of the states of the former Soviet Union in the belief that a prosperous
and stable neighborhood will reinforce Russia's growing commitment to integration
into the Euro-Atlantic community.
At the same time, we are realistic about
the differences that still divide us from Russia and about the time and effort
it will take to build an enduring strategic partnership. Lingering distrust of
our motives and policies by key Russian elites slows improvement in our relations.
Russia's uneven commitment to the basic values of free-market democracy and dubious
record in combating the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction remain matters
of great concern. Russia's very weakness limits the opportunities for cooperation.
Nevertheless, those opportunities are vastly greater now than in recent years
-- or even decades.
The United States has undertaken a transformation in
its bilateral relationship with India based on a conviction that U.S. interests
require a strong relationship with India. We are the two largest democracies,
committed to political freedom protected by representative government. India is
moving toward greater economic freedom as well. We have a common interest in the
free flow of commerce, including through the vital sea lanes of the Indian Ocean.
Finally, we share an interest in fighting terrorism and in creating a strategically
Differences remain, including over the development of India's
nuclear and missile programs, and the pace of India's economic reforms. But while
in the past these concerns may have dominated our thinking about India, today
we start with a view of India as a growing world power with which we have common
strategic interests. Through a strong partnership with India, we can best address
any differences and shape a dynamic future.
The United States relationship
with China is an important part of our strategy to promote a stable, peaceful,
and prosperous Asia-Pacific region. We welcome the emergence of a strong, peaceful,
and prosperous China. The democratic development of China is crucial to that future.
Yet, a quarter century after beginning the process of shedding the worst features
of the Communist legacy, China's leaders have not yet made the next series of
fundamental choices about the character of their state. In pursuing advanced military
capabilities that can threaten its neighbors in the Asia-Pacific region, China
is following an outdated path that, in the end, will hamper its own pursuit of
national greatness. In time, China will find that social and political freedom
is the only source of that greatness.
The United States seeks a constructive
relationship with a changing China. We already cooperate well where our interests
overlap, including the current war on terrorism and in promoting stability on
the Korean peninsula. Likewise, we have coordinated on the future of Afghanistan
and have initiated a comprehensive dialogue on counter-terrorism and similar transitional
concerns. Shared health and environmental threats, such as the spread of HIV/AIDS,
challenge us to promote jointly the welfare of our citizens.
these transnational threats will challenge China to become more open with information,
promote the development of civil society, and enhance individual human rights.
China has begun to take the road to political openness, permitting many personal
freedoms and conducting village-level elections, yet remains strongly committed
to national one-party rule by the Communist Party. To make that nation truly accountable
to its citizen's needs and aspirations, however, much work remains to be done.
Only by allowing the Chinese people to think, assemble, and worship freely can
China reach its full potential.
Our important trade relationship will benefit
from China's entry into the World Trade Organization, which will create more export
opportunities and ultimately more jobs for American farmers, workers, and companies.
China is our fourth largest trading partner, with over $100 billion in annual
two-way trade. The power of market principles and the WTO's requirements for transparency
and accountability will advance openness and the rule of law in China to help
establish basic protections for commerce and for citizens. There are, however,
other areas in which we have profound disagreements. Our commitment to the self-defense
of Taiwan under the Taiwan Relations Act is one. Human rights is another. We expect
China to adhere to its nonproliferation commitments. We will work to narrow differences
where they exist, but not allow them to preclude cooperation where we agree.
events of September 11, 2001, fundamentally changed the context for relations
between the United States and other main centers of global power, and opened vast,
new opportunities. With our long-standing allies in Europe and Asia, and with
leaders in Russia, India, and China, we must develop active agendas of cooperation
lest these relationships become routine and unproductive.
of the United States Government shares the challenge. We can build fruitful habits
of consultation, quiet argument, sober analysis, and common action. In the long-term,
these are the practices that will sustain the supremacy of our common principles
and keep open the path of progress.
IX. Transform America's National
Security Institutions to Meet the Challenges and Opportunities of the Twenty-First
"Terrorists attacked a symbol of American
prosperity. They did not touch its source. America is successful because of the
hard work, creativity, and enterprise of our people."
Washington, D.C. (Joint Session of Congress)
September 20, 2001
major institutions of American national security were designed in a different
era to meet different requirements. All of them must be transformed.
is time to reaffirm the essential role of American military strength. We must
build and maintain our defenses beyond challenge. Our military's highest priority
is to defend the United States. To do so effectively, our military must:
our allies and friends;
dissuade future military competition;
threats against U.S. interests, allies, and friends; and
any adversary if deterrence fails.
The unparalleled strength of the United
States armed forces, and their forward presence, have maintained the peace in
some of the world's most strategically vital regions. However, the threats and
enemies we must confront have changed, and so must our forces. A military structured
to deter massive Cold War-era armies must be transformed to focus more on how
an adversary might fight rather than where and when a war might occur. We will
channel our energies to overcome a host of operational challenges.
of American forces overseas is one of the most profound symbols of the U.S. commitments
to allies and friends. Through our willingness to use force in our own defense
and in defense of others, the United States demonstrates its resolve to maintain
a balance of power that favors freedom. To contend with uncertainty and to meet
the many security challenges we face, the United States will require bases and
stations within and beyond Western Europe and Northeast Asia, as well as temporary
access arrangements for the long-distance deployment of U.S. forces.
the war in Afghanistan, that area was low on the list of major planning contingencies.
Yet, in a very short time, we had to operate across the length and breadth of
that remote nation, using every branch of the armed forces. We must prepare for
more such deployments by developing assets such as advanced remote sensing, long-range
precision strike capabilities, and transformed maneuver and expeditionary forces.
This broad portfolio of military capabilities must also include the ability to
defend the homeland, conduct information operations, ensure U.S. access to distant
theaters, and protect critical U.S. infrastructure and assets in outer space.
Innovation within the armed forces will rest on experimentation with new
approaches to warfare, strengthening joint operations, exploiting U.S. intelligence
advantages, and taking full advantage of science and technology. We must also
transform the way the Department of Defense is run, especially in financial management
and recruitment and retention. Finally, while maintaining near-term readiness
and the ability to fight the war on terrorism, the goal must be to provide the
President with a wider range of military options to discourage aggression or any
form of coercion against the United States, our allies, and our friends.
know from history that deterrence can fail; and we know from experience that some
enemies cannot be deterred. The United States must and will maintain the capability
to defeat any attempt by an enemy -- whether a state or non-state actor -- to
impose its will on the United States, our allies, or our friends. We will maintain
the forces sufficient to support our obligations, and to defend freedom. Our forces
will be strong enough to dissuade potential adversaries from pursuing a military
build-up in hopes of surpassing, or equaling, the power of the United States.
Intelligence -- and how we use it -- is our first line of defense against
terrorists and the threat posed by hostile states. Designed around the priority
of gathering enormous information about a massive, fixed object -- the Soviet
bloc -- the intelligence community is coping with the challenge of following a
far more complex and elusive set of targets.
We must transform our intelligence
capabilities and build new ones to keep pace with the nature of these threats.
Intelligence must be appropriately integrated with our defense and law enforcement
systems and coordinated with our allies and friends. We need to protect the capabilities
we have so that we do not arm our enemies with the knowledge of how best to surprise
us. Those who would harm us also seek the benefit of surprise to limit our prevention
and response options and to maximize injury.
We must strengthen intelligence
warning and analysis to provide integrated threat assessments for national and
homeland security. Since the threats inspired by foreign governments and groups
may be conducted inside the United States, we must also ensure the proper fusion
of information between intelligence and law enforcement.
this area will include:
strengthening the authority of the Director of Central
Intelligence to lead the development and actions of the Nation's foreign intelligence
establishing a new framework for intelligence warning that
provides seamless and integrated warning across the spectrum of threats facing
the nation and our allies;
continuing to develop new methods of collecting
information to sustain our intelligence advantage;
investing in future capabilities
while working to protect them through a more vigorous effort to prevent the compromise
of intelligence capabilities; and
collecting intelligence against the terrorist
danger across the government with all-source analysis.
As the United States
Government relies on the armed forces to defend America's interests, it must rely
on diplomacy to interact with other nations. We will ensure that the Department
of State receives funding sufficient to ensure the success of American diplomacy.
The State Department takes the lead in managing our bilateral relationships with
other governments. And in this new era, its people and institutions must be able
to interact equally adroitly with non-governmental organizations and international
institutions. Officials trained mainly in international politics must also extend
their reach to understand complex issues of domestic governance around the world,
including public health, education, law enforcement, the judiciary, and public
Our diplomats serve at the front line of complex negotiations,
civil wars, and other humanitarian catastrophes. As humanitarian relief requirements
are better understood, we must also be able to help build police forces, court
systems, and legal codes, local and provincial government institutions, and electoral
systems. Effective international cooperation is needed to accomplish these goals,
backed by American readiness to play our part.
Just as our diplomatic institutions
must adapt so that we can reach out to others, we also need a different and more
comprehensive approach to public information efforts that can help people around
the world learn about and understand America. The war on terrorism is not a clash
of civilizations. It does, however, reveal the clash inside a civilization, a
battle for the future of the Muslim world. This is a struggle of ideas and this
is an area where America must excel.
We will take the actions necessary
to ensure that our efforts to meet our global security commitments and protect
Americans are not impaired by the potential for investigations, inquiry, or prosecution
by the International Criminal Court (ICC), whose jurisdiction does not extend
to Americans and which we do not accept. We will work together with other nations
to avoid complications in our military operations and cooperation, through such
mechanisms as multilateral and bilateral agreements that will protect U.S. nationals
from the ICC. We will implement fully the American Servicemembers Protection Act,
whose provisions are intended to ensure and enhance the protection of U.S. personnel
We will make hard choices in the coming year and beyond to
ensure the right level and allocation of government spending on national security.
The United States Government must strengthen its defenses to win this war. At
home, our most important priority is to protect the homeland for the American
Today, the distinction between domestic and foreign affairs is
diminishing. In a globalized world, events beyond America's borders have a greater
impact inside them. Our society must be open to people, ideas, and goods from
across the globe. The characteristics we most cherish -- our freedom, our cities,
our systems of movement, and modern life -- are vulnerable to terrorism. This
vulnerability will persist long after we bring to justice those responsible for
the September eleventh attacks. As time passes, individuals may gain access to
means of destruction that until now could be wielded only by armies, fleets, and
squadrons. This is a new condition of life. We will adjust to it and thrive --
in spite of it.
In exercising our leadership, we will respect the values,
judgment, and interests of our friends and partners. Still, we will be prepared
to act apart when our interests and unique responsibilities require. When we disagree
on particulars, we will explain forthrightly the grounds for our concerns and
strive to forge viable alternatives. We will not allow such disagreements to obscure
our determination to secure together, with our allies and our friends, our shared
fundamental interests and values.
Ultimately, the foundation of American
strength is at home. It is in the skills of our people, the dynamism of our economy,
and the resilience of our institutions. A diverse, modern society has inherent,
ambitious, entrepreneurial energy. Our strength comes from what we do with that
energy. That is where our national security begins.
i New York Times
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